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Who is Ali al-Zaidi, the businessman named as Iraq’s PM-designate?

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Political outsider Ali al-Zaidi is tapped as Iraq’s new PM to break a months-long political deadlock.

After months of political wrangling, Iraq’s Coordination Framework on Monday named Ali al-Zaidi, a multimillionaire business figure, as the compromise candidate of the governing Shia bloc.

“After considering the names of the candidates, Ali al-Zaidi was chosen to be the candidate of the Coordination Framework bloc, as the largest bloc in the House of Representatives, to occupy the position of prime minister and form the next government,” a Coordination Framework statement read after a meeting in the capital Baghdad.

Shortly after that, Iraq’s President Nizar Amedi appointed 40-year-old al-Zaidi as prime minister-designate and tasked him with forming a government, averting a constitutional crisis.

Al-Zaidi’s elevation comes after months of a frantic search for a compromise candidate acceptable to both local factions and foreign powers.

Former President Nouri al-Maliki, a deeply divisive pro-Iran figure, was forced to withdraw from the race following opposition from US President Donald Trump. Outgoing Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who was brought to power by the Coordination Framework in 2022, failed to get the backing for a second term. Both Iran and the US have close ties with Baghdad.

So who is the 40-year-old businessman al-Zaidi, and what worked in his favour? How will he navigate Iraq through one of its most volatile geopolitical chapters?

Unlike his predecessors, al-Zaidi has no history in political office or government administration. Born in the capital, Baghdad, to a prominent family originating in the southern province of Dhi Qar, he built his career in the private and academic sectors.

He holds Bachelor’s degrees in law and finance, as well as a Master’s degree in banking and finance, and is a member of the Iraqi Bar Association.

Al-Zaidi sits at the helm of the National Holding Company, a conglomerate established in 2017 with interests spanning agriculture, real estate, banking, logistics, and renewable energy. His portfolio extends to the education and health sectors as well, where he serves as chairman of the board for Shaab University and the Ishtar Medical Institute.

He also previously chaired the board of Al-Janoob Islamic Bank. Financial watchdogs and local reports have noted that the bank previously faced sanctions from the Central Bank of Iraq, adding a layer of scrutiny to al-Zaidi’s financial background.

Al-Zaidi’s sudden ascent was born out of a severe political deadlock within the Coordination Framework, Iraq’s largest Shia parliamentary bloc, which had already missed its constitutional deadline to name a candidate by April 26.

Former Prime Minister al-Maliki secured the backing of a vast majority of the bloc after he entered the race in January. However, his candidacy was abruptly derailed following fierce opposition from President Trump, who threatened to cut off support to Iraq. Washington further escalated the pressure by suspending cooperation and funding for Iraqi security agencies, issuing a strongly worded warning against any government influenced by Iran-linked figures and armed factions.

With al-Maliki sidelined, the bloc attempted to push forward Bassem al-Badry. Despite gathering significant support, al-Badry was ultimately rejected by rival camps who feared his appointment would hand too much power to al-Maliki’s faction.

Facing the prospect of a constitutional vacuum, the coalition convened a final, decisive meeting on Tuesday. Within 25 minutes, al-Zaidi was unanimously approved as the ultimate compromise – a candidate who neither alienates internal rivals nor triggers a US veto.

Analysts note that al-Zaidi’s lack of political history is his greatest asset. In a deeply polarised landscape, his “blank slate” makes him a palatable choice domestically and internationally.

The Coordination Framework is betting that al-Zaidi, as a businessman, can engage with Washington and the international community through the pragmatism of economic interests rather than ideological rhetoric.

His stated vision focuses on institutional reform, empowering youth, and transitioning Iraq from a distorted, centrally planned system towards a more open and sustainable economy.

Al-Zaidi now has 30 days to present his cabinet to parliament and secure a vote of confidence from at least 167 lawmakers. The Shia bloc commands 185 of 329 seats in the parliament.

If successful, he will inherit a nation walking a geopolitical tightrope. Caught in the crossfire of the US-Israeli war on Iran, the new prime minister will have to manage the economic fallout from the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, tackle deep-rooted corruption, and address the future of the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) amid unprecedented regional instability.

Washington wants to curtail the influence of the pro-Iran armed groups within the PMF on the Iraqi government. Some of the armed groups carried out attacks against US interests and regional countries in solidarity with Iran. Currently, diplomatic efforts are under way to end the conflict that has expanded across the Middle East.

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/28/who-is-ali-al-zaidi-the-businessman-named-as-iraqs-pm-designate?traffic_source=rss

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UAE leaves OPEC in blow to oil cartel amid war on Iran

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Announcement of May 1 exit comes as Gulf producers are already struggling to ship exports through the Strait of Hormuz.

The United ‌Arab Emirates (UAE) has announced its decision to quit OPEC and OPEC+ to focus on “national interests”, dealing ⁠a heavy ⁠blow to the oil-exporting groups at a time when the US-Israel war on Iran has caused ⁠a historic energy shock and rattled the global economy.

The move, which will take effective on May 1, reflects “the UAE’s long-term strategic and economic vision and evolving energy profile”, a statement carried by state media said on Tuesday.

“During our time in the organisation, we made significant contributions and even greater sacrifices for the benefit of all,” it added. “However, the time has come to focus our efforts on what our national interest dictates.”

The loss of the UAE, a longstanding OPEC member, could create disarray and weaken the bloc, which has usually sought to show a united ⁠front despite internal disagreements over a range of issues from geopolitics to production quotas.

UAE Energy Minister Suhail Mohamed al-Mazrouei said the decision was taken after a careful look at the regional power’s energy strategies. Asked whether the UAE consulted with OPEC heavyweight Saudi Arabia, he said the UAE did not raise the issue with ‌any other country.

“This is a policy decision, it has been done after a careful look at current and future policies related to level of production,” the energy minister told Reuters news agency.

OPEC Gulf producers have already been struggling to ship exports through the Strait of Hormuz, a ‌narrow chokepoint between Iran and Oman through which a fifth of the world’s crude oil and liquefied natural gas normally passes, because of threats and attacks against vessels amid the war.

United States President Donald Trump has previously accused OPEC of “ripping off the rest of the world” by inflating oil ⁠prices.

Trump has also linked US military support for ⁠the Gulf with oil prices, saying that while the US defends OPEC members, they “exploit this by imposing high oil prices”.

The UAE had been a member of OPEC first through its emirate of Abu Dhabi in 1967, and later when it became its own country in 1971.

The oil cartel based in Vienna has seen some of its market power wane as the US increased its production of crude oil in recent years.

Additionally, the UAE and Saudi Arabia have increasingly competed over economic issues and regional politics, particularly in the Red Sea area.

The two countries had joined in together in a coalition to fight against Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi rebels in 2015. However, that coalition broke down into recriminations in late December, when Saudi Arabia bombed what it described as a weapons shipment bound for Yemeni separatists backed by the UAE.

Energy research company Rystad Energy said the UAE’s withdrawal marks a significant shift for the oil-producer group.

“Losing a member with 4.8 million barrels per day of capacity, and the ambition to produce more, takes a real tool out of the group’s hands,” Rystad Energy’s head of geopolitical analysis Jorge Leon said in a statement.

“With demand nearing a peak, the calculation for producers with low-cost barrels is changing fast, and waiting your turn inside a quota system starts to look like leaving money on the table,” he continued.

“Saudi Arabia is now left doing more of the heavy lifting on price stability, and the market loses one of the few shock absorbers it had left.”

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/28/uae-leaves-opec-and-opec?traffic_source=rss

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Kandice in southern Lebanon

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Kandice Ardiel works with the United Nations in southern Lebanon. The Israeli military’s  attacks damaged her apartment in Tyre, forcing her to move into a UN office in Naqoura. In her video, Kandice describes  life under fire: forced evacuations, nearby explosions and having to leave the cat behind.

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/video/on-the-ground/2026/4/28/kandice-in-southern-lebanon?traffic_source=rss

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‘War crime’: Afghan-Pakistan truce under strain after university strike

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Civilian casualties in Kunar raise tensions as Pakistan denies role, casting shadow over ceasefire and peace talks.

Islamabad, Pakistan – Afghanistan’s Taliban authorities say Pakistani mortars and missiles struck a university and residential neighbourhoods in the eastern province of Kunar on Monday, killing at least seven people and wounding more than 80.

Taliban deputy spokesperson Hamdullah Fitrat said the strikes hit the city of Asadabad, the provincial capital, as well as surrounding districts.

Afghanistan’s Ministry of Higher Education said about 30 students and professors were among the wounded, with Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani University sustaining extensive damage to its buildings and grounds.

Fitrat called the attacks “unforgivable war crimes” against civilians and academic institutions.

Pakistan’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting rejected the account, describing reports that Pakistani forces had struck the university as a “blatant lie”.

In a statement posted on X, the ministry said no strike had been carried out on the university and that Pakistan’s targeting is “precise and intelligence based”, though it did not explicitly rule out any attack within Afghan territory.

Afghan and Pakistani officials have separately confirmed to Al Jazeera that the two sides have been exchanging fire along their porous border, even though they are formally observing a ceasefire. Kunar is a border province.

The competing claims over the attack on the university have now raised fears that the already fragile ceasefire might completely collapse. The heightened tensions follow days after peace talks held in the Chinese city of Urumqi between the two sides that Afghan Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi described as “positive”.

The Urumqi talks, hosted by China in early April, brought delegations from both sides together for the first time since the conflict’s most intense phase in February and March, when Pakistan struck Kabul multiple times and declared it was in “open war” with Afghanistan.

Afghanistan described the discussions as “useful”. Pakistan said further progress would depend on Kabul. The talks ended without a formal agreement or joint statement.

Pakistan accuses the Afghan Taliban of providing sanctuary to the Pakistan Taliban, known by the acronym TTP, which emerged in 2007 and, while distinct from the Afghan Taliban, shares deep ideological, social and linguistic ties with the group. The TTP and other groups have carried out a sustained campaign of attacks across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, according to Pakistani authorities.

Afghanistan rejects accusations that it is sheltering or aiding the TTP and other anti-Pakistan groups.

Mehmood Jan Babar, a Peshawar-based political and security analyst, said the engagement in Urumqi was thin from the start.

Delegations were at the level of diplomats, with no political contact throughout. Pakistan, he said, maintained a firm position and demanded action in writing.

“Until Afghanistan puts something in writing, no verbal commitment will be trusted,” Babar told Al Jazeera. “That is what was said in Urumqi, and that is where things stand.”

Tameem Bahiss, a Kabul-based security analyst, said the outcome reflected how little ground either side had shifted.

“The negotiations in Urumqi did not achieve a clear settlement or agreement,” he told Al Jazeera. “Both sides may agree to talks under pressure from regional countries, but once the talks end, the same problems return.”

Babar noted some softening on the Afghan side.

Muttaqi had reportedly instructed senior ministers to use more restrained language on Pakistan, he said, given how much Kabul has at stake in its relationship with Islamabad.

“But Pakistan’s core position has not changed,” Babar said.

This is not the first time a diplomatic opening has quickly unravelled.

A ceasefire mediated by Qatar and Turkiye in October 2025 was followed by continued low-level clashes.

A temporary Eid ceasefire in March after fighting had resumed in February – brokered at the request of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkiye – was almost immediately disputed.

The Taliban alleged Pakistan carried out dozens of mortar strikes in Kunar while the truce was still in effect.

The most contentious episode came on March 16, when a Pakistani air strike destroyed the Omar Hospital in Kabul, a 2,000-bed addiction treatment facility.

Afghan officials put the death toll at more than 400. The United Nations recorded 143.

Pakistan insisted that its target was not the hospital, but nearby military installations and an ammunition depot. The incident remains the most disputed of the conflict.

Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkiye and China have all attempted to broker a lasting arrangement.

Babar said Pakistan had briefed all of them on its position that cross-border attacks on Pakistani soil had decreased when Pakistan carried out its own operations.

“That is a valid argument, and it is holding weight right now,” he said.

But Bahiss said the repeated failures point to something structural.

“The main problem is that Pakistan and Afghanistan have very different views of the security situation,” he said. “If both sides cannot even agree on the nature of the problem, it becomes very difficult for mediators to agree on a solution.”

The Kabul-based analyst added that internal pressures make compromise difficult on both sides.

“Pakistan risks looking weak domestically if it accepts vague assurances and the Taliban risks looking as though it is yielding to outside pressure [if it accepts Islamabad’s assertions],” he said.

At the core of the conflict is a dispute that predates the current fighting.

Kabul denies harbouring the TTP and has accused Islamabad of using attacks in Pakistan as a pretext for interference in Afghan affairs.

Pakistan maintains that the burden lies with Kabul to take verifiable action and has sought written assurances that it says have not been provided.

Bahiss said months of military pressure have yielded little.

“The Taliban have not accepted Pakistan’s main demand in the way Islamabad wants,” he said. “They may be unwilling because of ideological or historical links, or unable because acting against the TTP could create internal divisions. Whatever the reason, the outcome is the same: Pakistan’s demands remain unmet.”

Babar said the picture inside Afghanistan is more complex than a flat refusal.

Several factions within the Taliban hold differing views, he said, with some facing public pressure.

He added that the Afghan Taliban had arrested a significant number of TTP members and their families and transferred them from the eastern provinces deeper into Afghanistan, though it remained unclear whether this constituted a policy shift or a tactical adjustment.

Afghan officials, meanwhile, argue that Pakistan’s campaign has caused civilian casualties that harden public opinion without addressing the underlying drivers of violence.

China’s role as host of the Urumqi talks carries weight. Beijing is Pakistan’s largest trading partner and has significant infrastructure investments in both countries through the economic corridor. It has a direct interest in stabilising the border.

But Babar said no agreement is possible without a written guarantee and a guarantor to enforce it.

He pointed to the Doha accord in 2020, in which the Taliban gave a written commitment that Afghan soil would not be used against any country, a commitment Pakistan says was violated.

The Doha Agreement, signed in February 2020 between the United States and the Afghan Taliban, committed the Taliban to preventing Afghan soil from being used by any group to threaten US or allied security, in exchange for a full withdrawal of US and NATO forces from Afghanistan.

“Pakistan does not want to enter into any agreement that brings it no tangible benefit,” he said. “Until a written commitment comes, nothing else moves.”

Afghanistan has its own demands: That Pakistan keep borders

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/28/war-crime-afghan-pakistan-truce-under-strain-after-university-strike?traffic_source=rss

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