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Itamar Ben-Gvir: The face of Israel’s hard right — or the face of Israel?

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Despite internal criticism, analysts argue Ben-Gvir holds a mirror to much of Israeli society.

In recent weeks, Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has shown the world a version of “modern Israel” it had preferred not to see.

From telling the press that he would “not allow” a United States ceasefire deal with Iran that was bad for Israel to his televised harassment of bound activists of the Global Sumud Flotilla, Ben-Gvir’s actions have drawn outrage on a global stage.

It had been convenient to cast the far-right leader of the Jewish Power party as a political outlier within Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s ruling coalition. This allowed domestic critics of the far-right factions in Israel to continue supporting the government, and companies and countries outside to continue trade despite growing condemnations of the Israeli government.

After public rebukes of Ben-Gvir’s taunting of the predominantly European activists by the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Canada – and even Israel’s foremost allies in the US – Netanyahu understood the deep damage this was doing to Israel’s public relations image, and described the spectacle as “not in line with Israel’s values and norms”.

Israel’s Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar went further, releasing a statement accusing his fellow cabinet minister of knowingly causing harm to the state of Israel and claiming that Ben-Gvir was “not the face of Israel”.

It is a sentiment echoed by many Israeli media outlets, eager to separate the minister from the Israeli state and government, yet it appears evident that the opposite is true, and Ben-Gvir is the face of an increasingly dominant section of Israeli society.

“He’s stupid, which tells us he’s not acting on his own,” Knesset member Aida Touma-Sliman of the left-wing Hadash party told Al Jazeera. “Everything he’s doing he’s doing with the help of other politicians and civil servants who share his beliefs. He wouldn’t be able to do what he does if they weren’t helping him.”

The right-wing extremist, provocateur and convicted inciter of violence has ultimately exerted unchallenged control over police and prison forces since assuming the newly created role of National Security Minister in 2022.

“If just one policeman said no, you can’t politicise the police force, that would be it,” said Touma-Sliman. “If the head of the prison service said no, you can’t starve, torture and sexually abuse prisoners, they wouldn’t, and that would be it.”

Ben-Gvir was hardly an unknown quantity when he entered government in 2022. His first brush with national prominence came in 1995, after Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin agreed to the Oslo Accords, a series of agreements with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which the world hoped was a path towards a two-state solution.

At the time, grinning to the camera, a 19-year-old Ben-Gvir was filmed brandishing the Cadillac hood ornament from Rabin’s car, declaring to the cameras: “We got to his car, we’ll get to him, too.”

Rabin was assassinated just weeks later by right-wing extremist and ultranationalist Yigal Amir.

Born in a small suburb west of Jerusalem in 1976, Ben-Gvir claimed to the news site Mako in 2021 that he became religious at 12 and radicalised at 14 due to what he claimed was the violence of the First Intifada.

His teacher recalled that Ben-Gvir, like many other high school students at the time, was openly supportive of the extremist Kach party, founded by the American-Israeli rabbi Meir Kahane.

Kach was banned in 1988, after judges found that the party breached constitutional reforms implemented that year.

In 1994, it was designated a terrorist organisation after a party member, Baruch Goldstein, explicitly referencing Kach politics, slaughtered dozens of Palestinian worshippers in Hebron.

Goldstein became something of a motif for Ben-Gvir, who reportedly took his future wife to the killer’s grave on their first date. Later, he dressed as the murderer for the Jewish holiday of Purim and displayed Goldstein’s portrait in his home until removing it on the advice of campaign strategists in 2021.

Indicted for his activities on 53 occasions, Ben-Gvir later boasted to Haaretz that following his success in having a majority dismissed, the judges in his trials recommended he study law.

However, in 2007, two indictments resulted in convictions for incitement to racism and supporting a terrorist organisation, after Ben-Gvir was arrested brandishing signs reading, “Expel the Arab enemy,” and “Rabbi Kahane was right: The Arab MKs are a fifth column,” referring to Arab members of the Israeli Knesset.

Ben-Gvir qualified as a lawyer in defiance of the Israeli Bar Association in 2012, which had tried to bar him due to his past convictions and became known for defending far-right settlers and hardliners.

In 2015, those far-right connections again threatened to derail his political ambitions when he was photographed at the wedding of Amiram Ben-Uliel, a settler convicted of killing a one-year-old baby and his parents when he firebombed their home in the occupied West Bank village of Duma.

At the wedding, guests were filmed dancing with knives, assault rifles and a Molotov cocktail, while one repeatedly stabbed an image of the infant victim.

Ben-Gvir defended the gathering, claiming, to the disbelief of many, that “no one realised these were photos of a member of the Dawabsheh family”.

Member of the Knesset, Ofer Cassif, who had questioned Ben-Gvir’s eligibility to stand for election, gave Al Jazeera a personal account of the politician that starkly contrasts with the affable persona presented by some sections of Israeli media.

“I’ve never seen Ben-Gvir laugh or joke. He’s a bully, but the kind of schoolyard bully who shuts up as soon as the teacher raises their voice,” he said.

“Ben-Gvir is a violent man. I mean, he has convictions for supporting terrorism and had a picture of Baruch Goldstein on his wall.”

In 2022, Netanyahu helped cement an alliance between Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, the far-right leader of the Religious Zionist Party, as the public turned against a broad coalition led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid.

After earlier joint runs in 2021 and 2019, they returned to the Knesset as the third-largest faction, maintaining Netanyahu’s coalition and, according to analysts, acting as public faces for the more extremist aspects of its right-wing ideology.

In the years since, Ben-Gvir has been accused by analysts and activists of moulding the Israeli police force in his own far-right image.

He has boasted on social media of worsening the already harrowing conditions of Palestinian detainees, many held without charge, while defending the rape and forced starvation of others.

At the same time as threatening to collapse the ruling coalition at the first sign that the genocide in Gaza might be scaled back, Ben-Gvir has also led numerous incursions into the Al-Aqsa Mosque, one of the holiest sites in Islam, in defiance of government policies.

Following the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023, Ben-Gvir has overseen a rapid increase in gun licences to Israeli settlers across the occupied West Bank. As predicted, there has been a spike in deadly violence against Palestinians since then.

In April, international outrage focused on footage of the minister clutching a bottle of champagne as he celebrated the passage of a bill targeting Palestinians with the death penalty.

Former Israeli government adviser Daniel Levy pointed out that much of the criticism of Ben-Gvir’s haranguing Samud activists in May was about performance itself, rather than the abuse they had suffered in Israeli detention.

“To my mind, it’s the easy target. The argument being made is that the problem is Ben-Gvir going out and posting a video, rather than the way they treat the flotilla, the settlers, let alone the way they treat Palestinians,” Levy said.

“They aren’t changing their policies whatsoever. No one is

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/4/itamar-ben-gvir-the-face-of-israels-hard-right-or-the-face-of?traffic_source=rss

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US House votes to end Trump’s Iran war: Does it matter?

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Four Republicans join Democrats in a rare public rebuke of the president. But Congress is still far from being able to stop him from attacking Iran again.

The United States House of Representatives has voted in favour of measures to halt President Donald Trump’s war on Iran as the conflict drags into a fourth month and both sides remain at loggerheads in peace negotiations.

The vote on Wednesday marks the first successful effort by lawmakers to force the US to end a conflict that has had mounting catastrophic effects, from thousands of civilian deaths to global trade disruptions.

It also comes as opposition to the conflict has grown significantly within camps of Trump’s Republican Party due to the effects on Americans themselves and Trump’s failure to swiftly secure a concrete, lasting deal with Iran.

But for now, the vote will remain largely symbolic because of Trump’s own presidential veto power on legislation and because of Republican dominance in the House and Senate – even though it marks a significant reprimand by lawmakers.

Here’s what happened, why it matters and why it doesn’t mean that Trump can’t – or won’t – launch new attacks on Iran:

On Wednesday, lawmakers in the House, led by Democrats, voted to invoke the War Powers Act, which allows Congress to force an end to hostilities if the president does not get its authorisation after entering an armed conflict abroad.

Since the start of the war, Democrats have argued that Congress, not the president, holds the right to declare war. They’ve repeatedly tried to force a stop to the US-Israel war on Iran based on that argument.

However, the Trump administration has countered that the military operations in Iran do not require congressional approval.

The War Powers Act, which has been in force since 1973, requires the president to seek lawmakers’ approval before entering armed conflict.

Only imminent attacks on the US allow the president to unilaterally deploy troops. In such an instance, the president must inform Congress within 48 hours.

If Congress fails to declare war afterwards, the president must withdraw troops within 60 days of entering the war.

In the case of the war on Iran, critics argued that the US was not under any imminent threat: The US and Israel struck first.

Trump also failed to withdraw thousands of US troops deployed to fight the war at its 60-day mark: around April 29.

House Democrats, who hold a minority of seats in the House, have tried to invoke the act three times since the US and Israel ignited the war on February 28. However, all previous attempts had failed.

Wednesday’s vote count was 215 in favour of the resolution to restrain Trump and 208 against.

The success for Democrats came after four Republicans switched sides in what appeared to be a public rebuke of Trump’s policies.

While Republicans staunchly supported the war in public at its start, the mood has noticeably shifted as the US economy and global trade have been badly hit. Trump’s approval ratings have also dropped drastically.

Republican lawmakers Tom Barrett of Michigan, Warren Davidson of Ohio and Thomas Massie of Kentucky broke party lines two weeks ago when the last vote was held. On Wednesday, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania joined them.

Not necessarily. At this point, the yes vote is largely symbolic.

The Senate needs to pass the resolution as well, but Republicans also hold a slim majority in the upper chamber.

While Senate Democrats have been forcing votes to kick-start the process that would force a US halt to the war, Senate Republicans have so far mustered enough votes to reject the proposals.

The latest vote to advance exit procedures was held two weeks ago with a 50-47 tally in the 100-member Senate. Four Republicans joined Democrats in voting in favour while Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania was the only Democrat to vote against the measure.

While the results reflected growing disapproval from Republican senators, the count was not enough.

Even if the Senate follows the House in invoking limits on Trump’s war on Iran, Trump could veto the resolution.

In that instance, Congress would have to pass the measure by a two-thirds majority to override the president’s veto. That’s not impossible. However, it could be unrealistic in the current climate: Some Republicans are unhappy, but the majority still publicly support Trump.

Then there’s the question of whether the US is even at war right now and if the resolution applies at all.

A ceasefire between the US and Iran has been in place since April 8, even if it’s fragile. The Trump administration argues that this means the US is technically not at war at the moment.

On May 1, Trump declared the ceasefire meant a “termination” of hostilities, even though the US has continued a blockade of Iran’s ports and has hit Iranian ships. Tehran too has continued blocking the Strait of Hormuz.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio raised that argument when he faced lawmakers in a series of hearings on Tuesday and Wednesday regarding the war. The lawmakers invited him to submit more information about the US plans to exit the conflict in Iran as well as to detail plans for Venezuela, where the US abducted President Nicolas Maduro in January.

In a sharp exchange with Senator Cory Booker, a Democrat, Rubio declared: “The [Iran] war is over.”

However, Senator Jeanne Shaheen, a Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, accused Rubio of lacking accountability and failing to provide Congress with the right information.

“You sent Congress a war powers notification, saying we are not in active hostilities with Iran while the US was conducting strikes against Iran and Iran was bombing US embassies and bases throughout the Middle East,” she said.

“That was not consultation; it was an attempt to ‌avoid answering ⁠to this committee and this Congress about this war.”

Some officials in Trump’s cabinet believe so.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth claimed on May 12 that the 60-day allowance given to the president to deploy troops under the War Powers Act means the administration may begin striking Iran again without lawmakers’ approval.

Hegseth, in testimony to the Senate Appropriations Committee, essentially argued that the April 8 ceasefire reset the original timelines.

“Should the president make the decision to recommence [the war on Iran], we would have all of the authorities necessary to do so,” he said.

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/4/us-house-votes-to-end-trumps-iran-war-does-it-matter?traffic_source=rss

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Israel and Lebanon agree on ceasefire framework in US-led talks

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Israel and Lebanon agree on ceasefire framework in US-led talks

The US announced a ceasefire framework between Israel and Lebanon, which includes expanded Lebanese army control and a halt to Hezbollah attacks. Al Jazeera’s Manuel Rapalo explains how Hezbollah’s rejection of the talks leaves enforcement uncertain.

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/video/newsfeed/2026/6/4/israel-and-lebanon-agree-on-ceasefire-framework-in-us-led-talks?traffic_source=rss

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Ireland’s Black community opens up about racism after ‘George Floyd moment’

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In the wake of Yves Sakila’s death following a violent restraint, many say racism in Ireland is an overlooked scourge.

Last month, 40-year-old Emer O’Neill, a Black Irish woman, was racially insulted three times.

Teenagers in her town south of Dublin shouted, “Go back to your country!” at her, she was rudely asked by a man whether she spoke English, and she was called the n-word at a local pub – all in the space of two weeks.

“I don’t have another country to go to. This is my country,” said O’Neill, an activist and broadcaster who in recent years has presented Dublin’s St Patrick’s Day parade for Ireland’s national television channel, RTE.

Days later, she found herself shaking with emotion while singing at an event to remember Yves Sakila, a 35-year-old who was killed on May 15 outside Arnotts, a department store in central Dublin. In video footage by bystanders, the shop’s security guards who restrained him appear to have placed their knees on his neck for more than four minutes.

Sakila, an Irish national, immigrated from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) when he was 13. The death has been dubbed Ireland’s George Floyd moment, reminiscent of the 2020 killing of the 46-year-old Black man in the US state of Minnesota at the hands of white police that set off mass antiracism protests.

Sakila was allegedly suspected of shoplifting and is said to have accidentally knocked down a man when rushing out of the department store. Police arrived and handcuffed him. They performed cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) when they saw he was unwell, but he was later pronounced dead at Dublin’s Mater Hospital.

As a teenager, he struggled when his adoptive parents separated, and at the time of his death, he had been living on the streets.

“He landed in care services at 16, but he never got back to normal. Even though his adopted mother wanted to bring him home, he wanted freedom,” said Lassane Ouedraogo of Africa Solidarity Centre, who first met him five years ago. Like other homeless people, Sakila was being supported by the diaspora-led organisation.

Ouedraogo described him as a “gentleman” with whom he had “lovely conversations”. “He needed help, not a death sentence.”

No arrests have been made over his death.

“We don’t need specialists to see the video and understand how he died,” Ouedraogo said.

In the wake of the incident, members of Ireland’s minority communities have described a sense of denial about racism in a country known for an anticolonial spirit.

Days before Sakila died, Bertie Ahern, Ireland’s former taoiseach (prime minister), was filmed saying, “We can’t be taking in people from the Congo and all these places,” while canvassing for his centre-right Fianna Fail party for a local by-election. Incumbent Taoiseach Micheal Martin – also from Fianna Fail – said while he did not approve of Ahern’s comments, his party cannot stop people from canvassing.

Sandrine Ndahiro, a literary critic of Black and postcolonial literature and culture at Maynooth University, said she cried for the duration of a prayer vigil outside the Arnotts store last month.

“The shop stayed open for business. People were going in and out, as if nothing had happened. They would have shut if a white person had died,” she said.

Zainab Obasuyi, a PhD researcher at Technological University Dublin, said she has also experienced racism. In high school, her classmates chanted “Ebola la la” upon seeing her.

“Every time I speak about racism, I’m told, ‘You are too sensitive, you are overreacting, you are misinterpreting.’ Irish society is too scared to be called racist because it’s viewed as a moral failing, and hence they throw these words as a defence,” said Obasuyi, now 24. She is part of Black and Irish, a nonprofit advocacy group coordinating a coalition to memorialise Sakila.

For Jackie McCarthy O’Brien, who represented Ireland in international football and rugby in the 1980s and 90s, becoming the first Black woman in Ireland to play both sports, the fields felt freer.

“The only way people wouldn’t question my Irish identity was if I wore the green jersey,” she said. “I was a giant on the pitch. Off the pitch, I was the Black kid with the giant head. The 90 minutes of the game was pure freedom. But when you speak up, you are deemed the angry Black woman and an aggressor who rocks the boat.”

Although O’Brien is well-known across Ireland, the comments she faces are still upsetting. “People have told me, ‘You are not really Black,’ or ‘I don’t see colour.’ But why can’t they see my colour when I see their white skin?”

O’Neill said unconscious bias and stereotyping are difficult to digest because they contradict what Ireland is known for, such as its solidarity with Palestine and South Africa in the past.

“Smaller Irish towns have banners everywhere saying Ireland is only for the Irish. The racism is no longer subtle,” said Ndahiro, the literary critic.

In some Irish news outlets, Sakila, a naturalised citizen, has been referred to as a “Congolese man”.

“A Black migrant is expected to demonstrate excellence and win medals to be deemed Irish. Sakila’s Irishness got stripped away immediately,” Ndahiro said. “How can you write about feminism, human rights and racism but not show up for protests? Irish people whose timelines are all about Palestine online have not uttered a single word about Sakila’s death.”

At a recent antiracism demonstration outside Leinster House, the Irish parliament, a smaller group of counter-protesters called on “foreigners” to leave Ireland.

A Central Statistics Office survey in 2025 found that 49 percent of “Black Irish, Black African and other Black backgrounds” had experienced discrimination.

Mamobo Ogoro, a sociocultural psychologist, believes the election of United States President Donald Trump has “bolstered the arrogance of the far right, as they question migration into Ireland”.

Along with protests outside Arnotts, flowers continue to be placed at a lamp-post where Sakila was restrained.

An initial autopsy was inconclusive, and toxicology reports might take weeks. A second autopsy will take place by an independent forensic pathologist. The national police have referred the case to the ombudsman.

Ebun Joseph, Ireland’s special rapporteur on racism and racial equality, has called for an independent investigation.

Arnotts issued a statement that it was cooperating with the national police but had not released the security camera footage to Sakila’s lawyer.

DRC Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner met Irish President Catherine Connolly, as well as the ministers for foreign affairs and justice.

But Ahern has not apologised for his words.

“If people in power don’t apologise, how can you expect a racist neighbour to apologise?” said Ndahiro.

📰 மூல செய்தி (Source): https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/4/irelands-black-community-opens-up-about-racism-after-george-floyd-moment?traffic_source=rss

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